A quarterly on the history and culture of beauty
Published independently

Customs and Rites

Beauty under rationing, and the duty to look well

The government did not ration lipstick. It restricted the raw materials, the packaging, the labour and the transport, which had much the same effect and none of the political cost.

A small heap of chalk white powder with a worn horn scoop on a dark aged wooden board.
Scarcity produces improvisation, and improvisation produces the best documented period in the history of everyday cosmetics.
In short

Cosmetics were not subject to coupon rationing in Britain during the Second World War, but production was severely constrained by limitation of supplies orders, raw material controls and purchase tax, making them scarce and expensive. Government and industry messaging encouraged women to maintain their appearance as a matter of morale, particularly women in war work and in the services. Improvisation was widespread and is well attested in oral history and in surviving material.

Wartime is unusually good for historians of appearance, for a slightly grim reason: scarcity makes people write things down. Ordinary practice that nobody records in normal times becomes a subject of complaint, of advice columns, of government messaging and of letters, and the result is that we know more about what British women did to their faces between 1939 and 1945 than about any comparable period before it.

Not rationed, but not available

The first correction is that cosmetics were never rationed in Britain in the coupon sense. Clothing was, food was, petrol and fuel were. Cosmetics were not.

They were, however, subject to a set of controls that produced scarcity by other routes. Limitation of supplies orders restricted the quantity of non essential goods manufacturers could produce. Raw materials were directed to war production, and the materials used in cosmetics, including fats, oils, alcohol, glycerine and metals for packaging, were needed elsewhere. Glycerine in particular has an obvious wartime alternative use. Metal for lipstick cases became unavailable, and cardboard and plastic substitutes appeared. Purchase tax was applied at high rates to goods classed as luxuries.

The result was cosmetics that existed but were expensive, intermittent and often reformulated with whatever was available. Records of manufacturing controls and of the departments that administered them survive in the national archives, and the trade press of the period documents the industry's continual negotiation over allocations.

A small heap of chalk white powder with a worn horn scoop on a dark wooden board.
Plate III
Face powder is the product that scarcity reveals most clearly, because it is mostly filler. A powder is talc, kaolin, chalk, starches, a little pigment and a binder, and every one of those has substitutes of varying quality. When supply tightened, formulations shifted, particle sizes coarsened and colours narrowed, and users noticed immediately. Complaints about wartime powder appear repeatedly in the period's correspondence and advice columns. It is a useful reminder that the difference between a good cosmetic and a poor one is often not the presence of anything exotic but the grinding, the sorting and the blending, which are exactly the things a constrained factory stops doing first.

Appearance as morale

Alongside the scarcity ran a message, and it is one of the more interesting pieces of state adjacent persuasion of the period: that maintaining one's appearance was a contribution to morale rather than a frivolity.

The argument appeared in government adjacent publicity, in women's magazines, in advertising by manufacturers who had very little product to sell and considerable interest in keeping their names alive, and in the services. Women in the auxiliary services had regulations governing appearance, and looking smart in uniform was treated as a matter of discipline in the same way it was for men.

It is easy to be cynical about this and worth resisting the impulse. The argument was made by women as well as to them, and the accounts that survive from the period suggest that it was widely felt rather than merely imposed. A recognisable face in the mirror during a period of profound disruption is not a trivial thing, and the frequency with which lipstick specifically appears in first hand accounts of the period, including accounts from women in extremely difficult circumstances, suggests something more than compliance with a campaign.

Circulates, but unverified
The claim
Churchill personally ordered that lipstick production should continue throughout the war because it was good for morale.
Where it appears to come from
This claim, or a version of it, appears in a great many articles, exhibition texts and books about wartime beauty, usually without a citation. It is attractive because it is neat and because it attaches a documented general policy of morale maintenance to a memorable individual.
What is actually established
Established: cosmetics were not rationed; production was constrained but never prohibited; morale arguments about women's appearance were made publicly and repeatedly during the war; the services had appearance regulations. Not established: any specific instruction from the Prime Minister on the subject. No such order has been produced from the record by those repeating the claim, and the machinery that actually determined production was the supply and board of trade apparatus rather than the Prime Minister's office.

Liquid stockings, and the gravy question

The best known improvisation of the period is leg makeup. Silk and then nylon stockings became effectively unobtainable, and the response was to colour the legs and, in the most frequently described refinement, draw a seam up the back of the calf with an eyebrow pencil.

Two things about this are worth separating. Commercial leg makeup was a real product, manufactured and advertised, and surviving examples and advertisements are held in museum collections including those of the Imperial War Museums. This is documented and unambiguous.

The claim that women commonly used gravy browning for the purpose is a different matter. It appears constantly in popular accounts and in oral history, and it is entirely plausible: the material was available, it is the right colour, and improvisation was universal. What is doubtful is the frequency. Gravy browning was itself a rationed food product, it smelled, and it attracted insects and stained clothing, all of which are drawbacks people mentioned. The likelihood is that it happened, that it was memorable, and that its memorability has caused it to be reported as standard practice when the commercial product was the normal solution for those who could get it.

Improvisation is remembered because it is interesting. What most people actually did was queue for the ordinary product and complain about the quality.

Hair, safety and the turban

The most consequential wartime change in appearance was not cosmetic at all. Large numbers of women entered industrial work, and long hair around unguarded machinery is extremely dangerous. Serious scalping injuries occurred, and the response was mandatory hair covering in many factories, which produced the wrapped turban and the snood as everyday wear.

This is a rare and clear case of a fashion originating in an industrial safety requirement and then outlasting it, and the turban in particular persisted into post war fashion as a style rather than a precaution. Imperial War Museums collections and the period's public information material document the safety campaigns directly.

After

Rationing in Britain continued after the war and was not fully wound up until 1954, and shortages in consumer goods persisted well beyond the end of hostilities. The cosmetics industry's post war expansion, when it came, arrived into a market that had spent fifteen years unable to buy what it wanted, which is a substantial part of why the 1950s look the way they do.

Elsewhere, and worse

Britain's experience was constrained. Conditions in occupied Europe and in the camps were of an entirely different order, and appearance there carried a weight that no discussion of morale can approach. Survivor testimony held in archives including those of the Imperial War Museums records the significance attached to small acts of grooming under conditions designed to remove individuality entirely, and the deliberate use of head shaving and the destruction of personal appearance as instruments of that removal, which is treated in the essay on hair politics.

This magazine records that rather than dwelling on it, because it is the strongest available evidence for a claim that would otherwise sound sentimental: that the maintenance of appearance is not a trivial concern layered on top of survival but is, for a great many people, part of how survival is conducted. The historical record on this point is unusually consistent and it comes from people who had every reason to have stopped caring.

What the shortage left in the archive

One unintended benefit of the period is documentary. Because cosmetics became a subject of complaint, of policy, of advice and of improvisation, they entered the written record in a way they never had before. Government files on supply allocation, trade press arguments about quotas, magazine advice columns on making things last, and a very large body of oral history collected afterwards together constitute the best documentation of everyday cosmetic practice in Britain for any period before the arrival of market research.

That is a general rule worth stating, because it applies across this magazine: practices become visible in the record when they become difficult. Nobody writes down what everybody does without thinking. The historian of appearance is therefore always working from periods of disruption, scarcity, controversy or prohibition, which introduces a systematic bias towards the exceptional that has to be corrected for constantly.

The period also left a durable idea behind: that appearance is connected to resilience rather than to vanity. That argument had been made before, but it was made with unprecedented force and unusual official sanction between 1939 and 1945, and it has never entirely gone away. It sits underneath a great deal of contemporary language about self care, and it is worth knowing where it came from, because it was, in origin, a production argument as much as a psychological one. For the older idea that cleanliness and appearance indicate character, see the essay on soap.

Where to look

Readers who want to go further should start with the holdings themselves rather than with summaries of them. The Imperial War Museums and the The National Archives both publish catalogue and research material relevant to this article. Both links are given for reference only. Neither institution has been assessed by us, neither has any connection to this magazine, and nothing here is an endorsement of any organisation.

Questions readers send us

Were cosmetics rationed in Britain during the Second World War?

No. They were not subject to coupon rationing. Supply was constrained by limitation of supplies orders, redirection of raw materials to war production, packaging shortages and high purchase tax, which produced scarcity and high prices without a formal ration.

Did women really use gravy browning on their legs?

It is plausible and it is reported in oral history, but commercial leg makeup was a manufactured and advertised product and was the normal solution where it could be obtained. Gravy browning was itself rationed, smelled and stained, and its prominence in popular memory probably reflects how memorable it was rather than how common.

Why did women wear turbans in wartime factories?

For safety. Long hair around unguarded machinery caused serious injuries, and hair covering became mandatory in many workplaces. The wrapped turban and the snood came out of that requirement and persisted afterwards as fashion.

Was there a government campaign about women's appearance?

There was persistent public messaging, in official and semi official publicity, in magazines and in service regulations, presenting the maintenance of appearance as a contribution to morale. It was reinforced by manufacturers with little product to sell and an interest in keeping their names visible.

When did shortages end?

Rationing in Britain continued after the war and was not fully ended until 1954. Consumer goods remained constrained for years, which is part of the reason the post war expansion of the cosmetics market was so rapid when it came.

Sources consulted
  1. Imperial War Museums Collections and public information material on the home front, women's war work and wartime consumer goods.
  2. The National Archives Records of supply controls, limitation of supplies orders and board of trade administration.
  3. British Library Wartime periodicals, advertising and trade press.
  4. Victoria and Albert Museum Wartime dress, utility clothing and everyday material culture.
  5. Science Museum Group Industrial safety and manufacturing in wartime.
No commercial links. This article contains no affiliate links, no sponsored placements and no product recommendations. Glow Gazette is published by Glow Gazette and does not sell coverage, links or favourable mention. Paid entries appear only in the listings and are labelled there. What we will not sell is set out in the editorial standards.

The Gazette, four times a year

One long letter a quarter: what we have been reading, what turned out to be untrue, and what is worth going to see. No selling, because we have nothing to sell you.

Sponsor lineEach issue carries one sponsor line, labelled as such and set apart from the writing. Sponsors are shown the rate card, never the copy. See the rate card.